Environmental Analysis of Dell Organization Essay

Dell’s external environment identifies all the current conditions and forces that affect its strategic options and define its competitive situation. It consists of three main sectors: the Remote Environment, the Industry Environment, and the Operating Environment. All of these environmental sectors affect the firm’s operations both on an international and domestic level. Remote Environment In recent years the computer hardware industry has experienced a slight decrease in profits. Most of this is due to the recent downturn in the economy and a decrease in consumer confidence and spending because of inflation. Many consumers hesitate to upgrade their computers. As a result, Dell must explore new markets and introduce attractive products at a lower-cost to attract its customers. The use of personal computers in international markets is growing rapidly. Dell Computer can take this opportunity as an advantage to provide lower cost computer for consumers. Since Dell has the equipment and capital they can produce higher quantities of workstations or servers at a low operating cost and then sell it a little above cost of goods to China, India, Vietnam and third world countries to increase their global market share. The internet market has been expanding and exploding across the globe. It has varied by market segment and already has been a big hit in the U.S. Dell knows that the way to globalize the company successfully is through e-business. Dell is gearing up in China. The key to its strategy is a locally designed PC called Su Ma (Speedy Horse) which it hopes will draw sales away from the homegrown powerhouse, Legend. Dell has already built a factory in Xiamen, which is on the southeastern coast of China in order to promote its next day delivery to 400 cities which is one of the company trade marks. As a result, Dells China market share has grown from near zero in 1998, to 4.4%. This runs counter to the general wisdom that Chinese consumers must feel and  touch a product before they buy. More business and more production facilities will be opened world wide to adopt the globalization system and the global demand in the next decade. Industry Environment Rivalry is high in the computer industry because there is a lot of competition among a number of market leaders, while there is lack of differentiation and low switching costs for customers. Barriers to entry are also high due to a large part of the market is controlled by the market leaders of the industry, in addition to high start up costs. The bargaining power of suppliers is also high because suppliers are few and there is a heavy reliance on them. The bargaining power of customers is also high because of the availability of many high quality computer companies, all products are perceived as similar and well as the ease of switching. The threat of substitutes is low because they are virtually non-existent. Furthermore, there is a high availability of supplementary products available. Dell Computer Corporation is more successful than its competitors because they have been able to cut out the middleman with its â€Å"Direct Marketing† strategy. Dell entered the computer industry at an opportune time with competitive prices and a production strategy which does not build units until units are ordered, which minimizes inventory and allows customers to customize their units. The direct sales model has helped in cutting down inventory costs and also reduces the lead time in serving customer order. The biggest entry barrier that Dell has to face when expanding into other areas of the technology industry is having customers gain the trust of company over the more popular veteran computer companies. Operating Environment Consumers view Dell as a quality brand at a good price. Some consumers find that Dell’s competitors may be a little more expensive but still offer a quality brand. Dell’s main competitors are IBM, Compaq, Hewlett-Packard and  Gateway. Dell’s competitors have all tried to replicate Dell’s direct marketing strategy. However Dell’s competitors were and still are unable to replicate Dell’s direct marketing success. Historically Compaq and IBM sold through resellers and distributors. When IBM and Compaq announced their new initiative to sell directly to their customers, they angered the resellers, who in turn promoted HP products. HP is able to fulfill the needs of customers who want to see and touch the computer before purchasing it, which is not possible in the direct marketing strategy. But HP’s growth is declining with this strategy and they have been unable to lure major accounts. Gateway has been somewhat successful in implementing the direct marketing strategy, but Gateway does not have a strong hold in the lucrative large customer accounts. Dell ranks high with customers because the company offers free technical support if needed. The purchasing process has changed for the consumers with Dell because all the ordering is done online which offers convenience to its customers and minimize inventory. The flow of materials from suppliers into Dell starts by the company putting in orders to factories that are based on two categories; product type and geography. When putting in orders for product type Dell wants to select the right factory that specializes or deals with a certain product. Geographic orders mainly focus on the where the order is coming from to minimize the transportation expense. Dell has superb relationships with their suppliers; they maintain those superb relationships, by ensuring that the suppliers win every time Dell wins. Dell will need to implement several changes in the next couple years to develop its system, improve customer service, reduce cost, and improve supplier control. Dell will lead the technology industry and be a good example to the competitors. More technology of software and hardware will be available in the futurw with less cost. Long Term Objectives Dell’s objective should be continue providing customers the most recent technologies at competitively lower prices, at lower costs and faster than  their competitors. This could be established in the long run as they: 1. Increase global market share by focusing on Asian markets. 2. Increased revenues by penetrating the Chinese market benefiting from low costs. 3. Continue expansion of server and storage products. 4. Continue to maintain the lowest costs in the industry 5. Establish global brand recognition. 6. Increase diversity in portfolio by expanding product offering and investing in a new industry within the technological sector. 7. Manufacture some of its supplies, decreasing reliance on suppliers. 8. Use the Internet to improve the efficiency of Dell’s procurement, manufacturing and distribution process and further expanding an already broad range of value-added services. References: Abraham, H. Getting in touch with Dells culture: You’ve got the soul! in EnterpriseInnovator.com. Retrieved February 17th, 2006, from http://enterpriseinnovator.com/index.php?articleID=3844&ionID=4 Dell. Dell’s Mission Statement. Retrieved on February 17th, 2006, from http://www2.xmrc.com.cn/jobads/dell2/mission.asp Dell, Inc. SWOT Analysis. Dell, Inc. SWOT Analysis, April 2005, p1-10, 10p. Retrieved February 18th,2006 from Ebscohost Database Business Source Premier http://search.epnet.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=url&db=buh&an=16895029 Lee, L., Burrows, P., and Einhorn, B. (2005) Dell May Have To Reboot In China. Business Week, 00077135, Issue 3958. Database: Academic Search Premier. Tough, M. ( 2006). Creating a Mission and Vision Statement. In the Sideroad. Retrieved February 17th, 2006, from Http://www.sideroad.com/business_communications/mission-and-vision-statement.html

Floods and Flooding

Floods and Flooding River and coastal flooding are the most frequently occurring natural disasters and are increasing in occurrence. Floods, once purely known as acts of God, are being rapidly enhanced by the works of humans. What Causes Floods? A flood occurs when an area that is normally dry gets submerged in water. If a flood happens in an empty field, then the damage from flooding may be relatively mild. If the flood happens in a city or a suburb, then flooding can cause catastrophic damage and take human lives. Flooding can be caused by many natural things, such as excessive rainfall, extra snow melt that travels downstream, hurricanes, monsoons, and tsunamis. There are also manmade features that can cause flooding, such as burst pipes and dam breaks. Why Are the Number of Floods Increasing? Humans have spent thousands of years trying to curb flooding in order to protect farmland and   homes. Dams, for instance, are built to help regulate the flow of water downstream. However, there are some man-made features that are aiding flooding. Urbanization, for instance, has reduced the earths capability of absorbing excess water. With extra neighborhoods comes an increase in asphalt and concrete-covered surfaces. which cover the once open fields. The earth underneath the new asphalt and concrete can then no longer help absorb the water; instead, water running over the pavement collects quickly and easily disrupts storm drain systems. The more pavement, the more likely a flood will occur. Deforestation is another way that humans have helped increase the potential for flooding. When humans cut down trees, the soil is left without roots to hold down soil or to absorb water. Again, the water builds up and causes flooding. What Areas Are Most at Risk for Flooding? Those areas which are most at risk for floods include low-lying areas, coastal regions, and communities on rivers downstream from dams. Flood waters are extremely dangerous; a mere six inches of swiftly moving water can knock people off their feet, while it takes just 12 inches to move a car. The safest thing to do during a flood is to evacuate and seek shelter on higher ground. It is important to know the safest route to a safe location. A 100-Year Flood Floods are often given designations as a hundred year flood or twenty year flood, etc. The larger the year, the larger the flood. But dont let these terms fool you, a hundred year flood does not mean that such a flood occurs once every 100 years; instead it means that there is a one in 100 (or 1%) chance of such a flood occurring in a given year. Two one-hundred year floods could occur a year apart or even a month apart it all depends on how much rain is falling or how quickly the snow melts. A twenty-year flood has a one in 20 (or 5%) chance of occurring in a particular year. A five-hundred-year flood has a one in 500 chance (0.2%) of occurring in any given year. Flood Preparedness In the United States, homeowners insurance does not cover flood damage. If you live in a flood zone or any low-lying area, you should consider purchasing insurance through the National Flood Insurance Program. Contact your local insurance agent for more details. You can be prepared for flooding and other disasters by assembling a disaster supplies kit. Take this kit with you if evacuating: A portable, battery-operated radio and extra batteries (know the appropriate radio station to listen to during a disaster)Flashlights and extra batteriesFirst aid kit and manualEmergency food and waterNonelectric can openerEssential and prescription medicationsCash and credit cardsSturdy shoesExtra clothes and beddingFood and supplies for pets

Jaycee Lee Dugard - The Case of Jaycee Lee Dugard

Jaycee Lee Dugard - The Case of Jaycee Lee Dugard For years, she had smiled from her FBI missing child poster, one of those children who had been gone so long that no one expected them ever to be found alive. But Jaycee Lee Dugard turned up on Aug. 27, 2009, at a California police station 18 years after being abducted. According to authorities, Dugard was held in captivity all that time by a convicted sex offender who kept her in his backyard compound, sheltered in tents, sheds, and outbuildings in Antioch, California. Police arrested 58-year-old Phillip Garrido, who they said kept Dugard as a virtual slave and fathered two children by her. The children were ages 11 and 15 when Dugard resurfaced. Kidnapping, Rape Charges Filed Garrido and his wife, Nancy, were charged with conspiracy and kidnapping. Garrido was also charged with rape by force, lewd and lascivious acts with a minor, and sexual penetration. He was on parole from a Nevada state prison following a conviction of rape by force or fear. He was paroled in 1999. Dugards ordeal neared its end when California parole officials received a report that Garrido had been seen with two young children. They called him in for questioning but sent him home with instructions to return the following day. The next day, Garrido returned with his wife; Dugard, who was going by the name Allissa; and the two children. The investigators separated Garrido from the group so that they could interview Dugard. During the interview, she attempted to protect Garrido when investigators asked if she knew that he was a  sex offender. As the interview continued, Dugard became visibly agitated and made up a story about being an abused wife hiding from her husband in the Garrido home. As the interviews became more intensive, Dugard began to show signs of Stockholm Syndrome, in which a captive held long enough develops positive feelings for the captor. She became angry, demanding to know why she was being interrogated. Finally, Garrido broke down and told investigators he had kidnapped and raped Dugard. Only after his confession did she reveal her true identity. El Dorado County Undersheriff Fred Kollar said: None of the children have ever been to school, theyve never been to a doctor. They were kept in complete isolation in this compound, if you will. There was electricity from electrical cords, rudimentary outhouse, rudimentary shower, as if you were camping. It was here that Dugard had given birth to her two children. Reunited With Mother Authorities said Dugard appeared to be in good health when she arrived at a San Francisco Bay Area police station to be reunited with her mother, who was overjoyed to find her daughter alive. Also welcoming the news was Dugards stepfather, Carl Probyn, the last person to see her before she disappeared and a longtime suspect in the case. It broke my marriage up. Ive gone through hell; I mean Im a suspect up until yesterday, Probyn told The Associated Press at his home in Orange, California. Backyard Compound Investigators searched the home and property where Dugard had been held captive, expanding their search to an adjacent property looking for clues in other missing persons cases. Behind the Garrido home, investigators found what looked like a tented compound where Dugard and her children had lived. Inside they found a rug spread out with a bed on it. On the bed were several piles of clothing and boxes. Another tented area contained clothing, pictures, books, plastic storage containers, and toys. There were no modern conveniences except electrical lighting. According to court papers, Garrido had stopped having sex with Dugard around the time that she gave birth to her second child. Afterward, all five held themselves out to be a family, taking vacations and running a family business together. Mixed Emotions Phillip and Nancy Garrido pleaded not guilty to 29 counts, including forcible abduction, rape, and false imprisonment. When the Garridos were arrested, Dugard experienced mixed emotions. With counseling and medical care, she began to understand the terrible things that were done to her. Her attorney, McGregor Scott, said she was fully cooperating with the investigation because she understood that the Garridos needed to be held accountable for their crimes. $20 Million Settlement In February 2010, Dugard and her daughters, then 15 and 12, filed claims against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, claiming the agency failed to do its job of properly supervising Garrido, who was supposed to be under parole supervision during much of the time he held Dugard captive. Parole officers never discovered Dugard and her daughters during the 10 years Garrido was under supervision. The lawsuit also claimed psychological, physical, and emotional damage. That July, the state offered Dugard a $20 million settlement mediated by retired San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Daniel Weinstein. The money will be used to buy the family a home, ensure privacy, pay for education, replace lost income. and cover what will likely be years of therapy, Weinstein told reporters. Guilty Pleas On April 28, 2011, the Garridos pleaded guilty to kidnapping and rape, sparing Dugard and her daughters from testifying at trial. On June 3, Phillip Garridos received a sentence of 431 years to life; Nancy Garridos was sentenced to 36 years to life. They made no eye contact with anyone and kept their heads down as Dugards mother, Terry Probyn, read a statement from her daughter: I chose not to be here today because I refuse to waste another second of my life in your presence...Everything you have ever done to me has been wrong and someday I hope you can see that...[A]s I think of all of those years I am angry because you stole my life and that of my family. Thankfully I am doing well now and no longer live in a nightmare. Nancy Garrido is imprisoned at the California Institution for Women in Corona, California. Phillip Garridos institution wasnt available in August 2019. Sources Martinez, Michael. Phillip, Nancy Garrido Sentenced in Jaycee Dugard Kidnapping. CNN.Glynn,  Casey. Nancy and Philip Garrido sentenced for Jaycee Lee Dugard kidnapping. CBS NewsCDCR Inmate Locator. California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.

PROMOTING BETTER PATIENT CARE Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

PROMOTING BETTER PATIENT CARE - Essay Example Speech-language pathologists are certified by the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) and hold the masters degree or the degree certified to be suitable for the role. (McKay, 2012a, p.1) The speech therapists role is to guide and simulate the process of recovery by means of speech and language exercises. Autism, cleft palate, brain or damage disorders, voice disorder, stammering are some of the causes for the speech difficulties. There are normal swallowing and speech changes after the head and neck cancer treatment and they need assistance of the speech pathologist. (â€Å"Encyclopedia of Health†, 2010, p. 977) A social worker help patients and families cope up with the problem resulting from long term illness, injury and rehabilitation. ‘Medical and public health social worker provide psychosocial support to those affected by chronic, acute, or terminal illnesses. They work with patients, families, and caregivers.’(Mc Kay, 2012b, p. 1)The Council on Social Work Education accredits the baccalaureate and master’s degree programs in social work in the United States. (Zastrow, p. xx) Communication is an important tool for the speech therapists as it enables them to interact with the patient and develop the confidence in them. The treatment varies according to its severity and is based upon the patient’s case history and also relies on the patient’s verbal report of symptoms. There is a major concern in the availability of speech therapists and if the facility did not have this specialty, then the use of interdisciplinary team concept is appropriate. It is a group of health care professionals from diverse fields who work in a coordinated fashion toward a common goal for the patient.(â€Å"Interdisciplinary teams†, Medical Dictionary) The team includes mostly the individual with severe communication disabilities, a family member or guardian, a speech-language pathologist,

C&B (u2 ip&db) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

C&B (u2 ip&db) - Essay Example In addition, out-of-pocket expenses are likely to be less than they would be for other types of programs. Fourth, co-payments are very low or nothing. Fifth, anything that is not covered under Medicare may be available at a small fee or for nothing. Sixth, there is virtually no paperwork. Finally, â€Å"You will not need Medigap insurance to supplement your Medicare coverage because the plan provides you with all or most of the same benefits at no additional cost. Unlike Medigap insurers who in some cases can refuse to sell you a policy if you have a health problem, plans generally must accept all Medicare applicants† (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2008). There are only a few disadvantages to the program, and given the chance, I would definitely enroll. This is mainly because I have gone so long without insurance that these benefits sound amazing to me. The only disadvantages I could find were that enrollees must use pre-determined, plan physicians, hospitals, or care providers; certain services require pre-approval from the enrollee’s primary care physician; and that it can take up to 30 days to leave the program if you so choose (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services). Medicare Managed Care. (2008). U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://www.pueblo.gsa.gov/cic_text/fed_prog/mm_care/medcare.htm#What%20are%20the%20Advantages Medicaid is a program that can make it possible for those who would not otherwise be able to afford healthcare coverage to obtain it, get healthy, and stay healthy. According to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (2008, pg. 1), â€Å"Medicaid is available only to certain low-income individuals and families who fit into an eligibility group that is recognized by federal and state law. Medicaid does not pay money to you; instead, it sends payments directly to your health care providers. Depending on your states

Effects of Rover Sell Off on the Financial Performance of BMW Case Study

Effects of Rover Sell Off on the Financial Performance of BMW - Case Study Example This is amidst the rising gross profit margin (16.04 to 16.28) from 1998 to 199 indicating that the company is trying to make higher profit by charging a higher mark-up. Asset turnover have also significantly declined from 1997 to 1999 reflecting the company's inability to manage assets as efficient as the previous years. In 1999, a dollar of the company's asset yields only $0.91 in total sales compared to the $1.11 in 1997. In terms of leverage, the three year span under consideration also sees the increasing dependence on debt as a major source of financing. Total debt as a percentage of total assets is 40.92% in 1999 which is significantly higher than the 34.34% and 36.75% reported in 1997 and 1998, respectively. BMW appeared satisfactory in terms of liquidity as its current assets can more than pay-off its immediate obligations. It current ratios are 1.33 in 1999, 1.09 in 1998, and 1.27 in 1997. However, the ballooning of accounts receivable is evidenced by the increasing percent age of receivables to current assets which peaked to 57.36% in 1999. Three years after the sell-off of Rover, BMW seem to fail in improving its financial position except its profitability. In fact, its computed financial ratios indicate further deterioration in terms of leverage, asset utilization, and liquidity.

Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest

Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest Constructivism Ideas, Identity and Foreign Policy In the analysis of international politics, the process of identity formation and how national interests are conceived should represent central issues, as they are inextricably linked to a states foreign policy. The importance of identities results from the fact that they perform two vital functions: expressing to the self and others who the self is, as well as expressing to the self who others are. Due to the first function, having a certain identity determines an associated set of preferences regarding the choices of action in various circumstances and when different actors are involved. That is why a states identity generates its interests and subsequent behaviour towards fellow members and situations related to the international system. The second function implies that a state perceives others according to the identities it attributes to them, while simultaneously reproducing its own identity through social interaction and practice (Tajfel, 1981:255). These notions have been conce ptualised and emphasised in IR theory by constructivist scholars, who argue that global politics originates not only in the international system but also in an international society. Constructivists stress the constitutive effects of ideas and norms that set the parameters within which identities and interests are formulated (Brown and Ainley, 2003:49). When studying inter-state relations, it has become essential to analyse how ideas are created, how they evolve and influence states perceptions and response to their situation. In order to achieve such an objective, constructivism plays a key role by promoting the tenet that the manner in which the material world shapes and is shaped by human action and interaction depends on dynamic normative and epistemic interpretations of the material world (Adler, 1997:322). From this perspective, constructivist frameworks show that even the most enduring institutions are based on collective understandings. Their important contribution to the st udy of IR lies mainly in emphasising the ontological reality of intersubjective knowledge, along with its epistemological and methodological implications. That is why constructivism argues international relations consist primarily of social facts, which have acquired such a status due to human agreement. They represent reified structures that were conceived ex nihilo by human consciousness, subsequently being diffused and consolidated until they were taken for granted (Adler, 1997:322-323). Constructivist scholars also believe that actors attach meanings to and cognitively frame the material world as well as their experiences. So collective understandings or the distribution of knowledge offer the reasons why certain elements are as they are, as well as the indications as to how actors should deploy their material capabilities (Wendt, 1992:397). One might deduce from the previous statement that the context of collective meanings structures the preferences and behaviour of political actors, which would suggest that constructivism features deterministic tendencies. On the contrary, its theoretical premises have a much more nuanced nature and the constructivist position within the agency-structure debate asserts that the two elements are mutually constitutive. Constructivism argues that meaningful conduct is possible only within an intersubjective social context, since agents develop relations with and understandings of others via ideas, norms and practices. In their absence, actions like the exercise of power would be devoid of meaning because ideas and norms have constitutive effects on identity, specifying the features that will enable others to recognise that identity and respond to it accordingly (Jepperson, Wendt and Katzenstein, 1996:54). In this process, agents exert their influence by consciously perpetuating and repro ducing the social context through their prolonged actions and practices. A significant point to remember is that structure becomes meaningless without some intersubjective set of ideas and norms, so neither anarchy nor the distribution of capabilities alone can socialise states to a particular conduct (Dessler, 1989:459-460). Until now the discussion of constructivism has mentioned several times the notions of constitutive effects or being mutually constitutive, but without describing more elaborately what they entail. The relation of constitution must be differentiated from that of causality, as constitutive theories enquire about the conditions which instantiate a phenomenon, rendering it possible. In this respect, Robert Cummins employs the concept of property theories because they have a different objective from causal explanations: to account for the properties of things by reference to the structures in virtue of which they exist (Cummins, 1983). Another key aspect of constitutive theorising refers to the fact that the counterfactual claim of necessity is conceptual or logical, not causal or natural (Wendt, 1998:106). For instance, the conditions constituting a phenomenon define what the latter is, which conveys a relationship of identity not causal determination. These two components are inextricab ly linked, so that when the conditions come into being, the phenomenon comes into being with them. By contrast, causal explanations rest on two different assumptions: the factors causing an event exist independently from their outcome and are also temporally prior to it. If one applies these theoretical assumptions to the context of ideas, several implications become immediately apparent. The significant role that ideas play in international relations is fully acknowledged only when we recognise their constitutive effects (Wendt, 1999:87). The relationship of constitution derives from the fact that ideas create political outcomes by shaping their properties, meanings, perceptions or interpretations. These are in turn dependent on their ideational source, they exist only in virtue of those ideas terrorism cannot be conceived apart from a national security discourse that defines it. The national security discourse is in turn inextricably linked to constructing a notion of terrorism, since without it the concept would be meaningless. When analysing foreign policy, dominant schools of thought in IR theory usually ignore ideas and identity or regard them as intervening variables at best, helping to account for outcomes which surpass the explanatory abilities of traditional materialist factors like power and interests. The approach in question is problematic as it does not encompass fully the ideational impact ideas in fact create materialist causes. The bottom line of what becomes most contested in the materialist-idealist debate is the relative contribution of brute material forces to power and interest explanations as opposed to ideas (Wendt, 1999:94). At this point it might be useful to consider briefly the traditional view of materialism which originates in Marxism. The classical Marxist dichotomy portrays the material base as the mode of production, while culture, ideology and other ideational factors belong to a non-material superstructure. Wendt believes the same principles can be extended and applied to re alism; after all, modes of destruction are as basic as modes of production (Wendt, 1999:94). Both instances contain a crucial issue, namely that ideational factors become completely separated from economic and military considerations. Here D.V. Porpora noted a conceptual contradiction, considering the fact that Marxism defines the modes of production not only via forces, but also via relations of production. Relations represent ideational phenomena embodied by institutions that ultimately refer to shared norms (Porpora, 1993:214). The obvious implication points to the fact that the material base of Marxism is actually infused with ideas and norms, which also reveals their constitutive role concerning materialism generally To further reinforce such an argument, it is necessary to challenge the conventional materialist view of interests by acknowledging their nature interests are actually cognitions or ideas. This perspective has been promoted by two distinct fields of knowledge and their associated scholars: cultural anthropology and philosophy. Drawing on cognitive psychology, the anthropologist R.G. DAndrade (1992:28) sees interests, desires or motivations as schemas (frames, representations, ideas), which reflect knowledge structures that make possible the identification of objects and events. A significant aspect to remember is that schemas are not given by human nature. DAndrade (1992:31) admits that some interests can be rooted in biological drives which alludes to their material nature, but biology fails to explain most of the goals human beings seem capable of pursuing and these are learned through socialisation. In this sense, the anthropologist offers the example of an interest for achievem ent: it implies a social standard about what counts as a legitimate aspiration and the individuals desiring to achieve have internalised that standard as a cognitive schema (DAndrade, 1992:35). A very similar opinion has been advanced by R.B.K. Howe who draws on philosophy to articulate a cognitive theory of interest or desire. He too acknowledges that biological mechanisms influence interests, yet even very primitive desires are mostly directionless and depend on beliefs or ideas about what is desirable to render them meaningful (Howe, 1994). That is why ideas play a key role in defining and directing material needs; one perceives a goal as valuable, which in turn determines ones interest in accomplishing it. These perceptions are learned sometimes by interacting with nature which resonates with materialist factors, but mostly they are learned through socialisation to culture an inherently idealist phenomenon (Howe, 1994). Consequently, having reached similar conclusions starting from different premises, scholars in cultural anthropology and philosophy identify the cognitive basis of interests, or that ideas and not material drives create interests to a great extent. In foreign policy analysis, the concept of national interest has been accorded considerably more explanatory ability compared to other variables, particularly due to the influence of the classical realist and neorealist frameworks. However, is its nature inherently materialist and objective as the realist school of thought would have one believe? Or does it rather represent the product and construct of different interpretation processes, in which case ideas and identity become essential? The neorealist approach to international relations rests on the assumptions that the distribution of material capability in the states system can be objectively assessed and that threats to national interests can be accurately recognised. Such a perspective largely ignores that threats are not self-evident and the national interest, when confronted with a problematic situation, becomes a matter of interpretation (Weldes, 1996:279), hence the significant influence of ideas and identity. Moreover, cons tructivism convincingly challenges the objective and materialist view of realism concerning national interests, reintroducing the crucial role of ideas and identity. It does so by promoting the tenet that people act towards objects, including other actors, on the basis of the meanings that the objects have for them (Wendt, 1992:396-397). Wendts work has had a fundamental contribution in reconceptualising the national interest as the product of intersubjective processes of meaning creation. Nevertheless, consistent with the neorealist tradition, he regards states through the black box metaphor, their internal processes being irrelevant to the construction of state identities and interests. Wendt (1992:401) argues that the meanings which states attach to phenomena and subsequently their interests and identities are shaped via inter-state interaction. This does reflect an important facet of identity formation, but also neglects the historical and political contexts in which national in terests are deeply embedded, because the interpretations defining state interests cannot be restricted to the meanings and ideas generated by inter-state interaction. After all, any state is inextricably linked to the domestic actors that take decisions in its name. These agents do internalise the norms characterising the international environment, yet they also approach politics with an already formed appreciation of the world, the international system and the position of their state within it (Weldes, 1996:280). The national actors ideas and interpretation of all these issues stem partly from domestic political and cultural contexts. As Antonio Gramsci (1971:112) noted, civil society is the sphere in which the struggle to define the categories of common sense takes place. After revealing interests as expressions of ideas, one might advance the counterargument that such a conceptualisation applies only to individuals, becoming irrelevant in the case of states and the international system. The latter brings forward another essential point of this paper, which argues that states articulate a constructed collective identity that influences what they perceive their interests to be. It is best shown when taking into account the example of foreign policy, a domain in which various actors make decisions according to their ideas and perceptions of the national interest. Following the collapse of the communist regime, Romania and its political leaders were faced with the opportunity to choose the appropriate future course for the emerging democracy. Their decision was to actively pursue a transformation for the new state, seeking to create a collective identity with the West. But before proceeding with the empirical discussion, it has become imperative to defin e and conceptualise one of its central notions identity. This context particularly deals with state identity because it represents the most relevant instance for analysing foreign policy. In the philosophical sense, identity can be defined as whatever makes an entity what it is, although such a definition is too broad to render the concept meaningful. That is why, for analytical purposes and conceptual utility, identity will be understood using a two-faceted definition. On the one hand, it can be regarded as a property of intentional actors that generates motivational and behavioural dispositions (Wendt, 1999:224). On the other hand, identity cannot be conceived without recognising that which is like, other and simultaneously like and other, or without an understanding of the self which comes from this recognition (Norton cited by Campbell, 1992: 78-79). Both facets of the definition suggest that identity contains at base a subjective or unit-level quality rooted in an actors self- understandings. Their meaning will often depend on whether others represent that actor in the same way, a feature which configures the inter-subjective quality of identity (Wendt, 1999:225). Even a simple example can illustrate the point in a more enlightening manner: Helen might think she is a lecturer but if that belief is not shared by her colleagues and students, then her identity will not operate in their interaction. In other words, both internal and external structures constitute an identity and it takes form under two types of ideas: those held by the Self and those held by the Other. The character of this internal-external relationship varies, which leads to the existence of several kinds of identity, rather than one unitary phenomenon susceptible to a general definition. Building on the work of James Fearon (1999), a typology that features several kinds of identity will be presented here, all inextricably linked and feeding into each other: personal and social, type, role, corporate and collective. First, personal identity is constituted by the self-organising, homeostatic structures that make actors distinct entities (Greenwood, 1994). These structures have a material base represented by the human body, as well as a social component. The latter points to a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in; (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them; or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to (Fearon, 1999:25). What differentiates the personal identity of intentional actors from that of other entities is a consciousness and memory of Self as a separate locus of thought and activity (Wendt, 1999:225). It cannot be denied that people constitute distinct entities in virtue of biology, but without consciousness and memory a sense of I they are not agents. This aspect resonates even more in the case of a state, since its people must have a common narrative of themselves as a corporate actor. Therefore, the state itself might be considered a group Self capable of group-level recognition (Wilson and Sober, 1994:602). In the former, an identity is just a social category, a group of people designated by a label (or labels) that is commonly used either by the people designated, others, or both. This is the sense employed when we refer to American, French, Muslim, father, homosexual, (p.10) National identities, like American or Russian, are examples of type identities. There are almost no contexts in which it would make sense to speak of the the role of an American, except in a theatre play where role means part. Other social categories that are almost wholly type identities include party a_liation (e.g., Democrat or Republican), sexual identity (heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc.), and ethnic identity. Some identities or social categories involve both role and type. For example, mother is a role, but nonetheless we expect certain beliefs, attitudes, values, preferences, moral virtues, and so on, to be characteristic of people performing the role of mother (understandings that may change through time.) On the other hand, some role identities, which mainly but not exclusively comprise occupational categories, have few if any type features associated with them (for example, toll booth collector). Lastly, collective identity brings the Self-Other relationship to another stage and its logical conclusion identification. The latter represents a cognitive process in which the distinction between the two becomes blurred and sometimes even transcended, namely Self is categorised as Other. Identification tends to be issue specific and always involves extending the boundaries of the Self to include the Other. In this respect, collective identity uses both role and type ones and at the same time goes beyond their limits. It builds on role identities since both depend on the mechanism of incorporating the Other into the Self, which generates a socially constituted Me. The essential difference refers to their contrasting objectives: role identities use the mechanism to enable the Self and Other to play distinct roles, whereas a collective identity aims to merge the two entities into a single one. In the case of type identities, the situation is slightly more complicated. Collective iden tity builds on them as both require shared characteristics, but not all type identities are collective because not all involve the identification process Especially over the past decade, the discipline of IR has experienced what Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil (1996) called the return of culture and identity in IR theory. The 1950s and 1960s had brought for IR scholars an intense preoccupation with the role of national identities, particularly in the context of early EU integration studies by Karl Deutsch and Ernst Haas. Unfortunately, later on the concept became once again marginalised in favour of more objective and scientific approaches like neorealism and rational choice. The recent return of identity does not necessarily imply that the current use of the term may be considered equivalent to that of the 1950s-1960s. Rather, since the late 1980s, a new strand of theory regarding identity has emerged and slowly developed, which rejects essentialist notions while emphasising the constructed nature of social and political identities (see for example McSweeney, 1999; Albert et al., 2001). One of the works that is most often cited when discussing the relationship between state identity and foreign policy is that of David Campbell. In his 1992 book Writing security, he challenges the traditional narrative of asking how foreign policy serves the national interest and instead examines how the practice of foreign policy helps write and rewrite state identity. According to Campbell Danger is not an objective condition. It is not a thing which exists independently of those to whom it may become a threat (Campbell 1992: 1). As danger is an effect of interpretation (Ibid: 2), nothing is more or less dangerous than something else, except when interpreted as such. In terms of the non-essentialistic character of danger, the objectification and externalization of danger need to be understood as an effect of political practices rather than the condition of their possibility. As danger is never objective, Campbells argument continues, neither is the identity which it is said to threaten. Rather, the contours of this identity are subject to constant (re)writing, and foreign policy is an integral part of the discourses of danger which serve to discipline the state. Campbells theory a declared challenge to conventional approaches which assume a settled nature of identity is thus that state identity can be understood as the outcome of practices assoc iated with a discourse of danger. We speak about the foreign policy of the state x or state y, thereby indicating that the state is prior to the policy, but Campbells creative insights come to challenge such a position. He explains that national states are paradoxical entities which do not possess prediscursive stable identities (Ibid: 11). As states are always in the process of becoming, for a state to end its practices of representation would be to expose its lack of prediscursive foundations'(Ibid: 11). Ironically, the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the states continued success as an impelling identity. The constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a states identity or existence: it is its condition of possibility'( Ibid: 12). Building on such theoretical understanding, this paper offers an account of the processes through which Romanian state identity and its insecurities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transformed.